![]() Without going into the nature of radical and conservative arguments expressed recently about gender debates and its possible crystallization into political correctness vs. This kind of ‘brave balancing act’ is a part of new India that is unabashedly open, unafraid of any intellectual venture about ‘divergences from routine, asserting that being different is not weird’. On one part, he was underscoring the vastness of the problem portrayed in ‘Lakshmi’ and on the other hand he was expressing his sensitivity with regard to gender issues. In both countries, we can observe a retreat rather than a greater media presence of the pious and sacred in the face of neonationalism and commercialization, which in each case produces a democratically precarious public popular culture.Ĭonsidering the obscurantist nature of patriarchal and conservative society in which we live, where political parties, established institutions of family, religion and law are busy forwarding their own agendas and competing interests, Kukunoor‘s non obvious answer had many layers to it. ![]() The analysis emphasizes a necessary distinction between piety, public popular culture and political activism in the name of a national religious majority, and shows that in its appropriation and redefinition of secularism and employment of religious symbolism, Hindu nationalist mobilization and governance in India are related more closely to sacralization of secularism in historical Turkish nationalism than to the Islamic movement. It argues that expressions of Hinduism and Islam have become inseparable from secularist histories in the respective countries. This article questions the assumption that the increase in visibility of religion in mass-mediated content is indicative of greater impact of religion in the public and state sphere and of a process of de-secularization. ![]()
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